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Skip to main content. Log In Sign Up. A New Chinese Arctic Policy? The Informal Arctic Policy Til brahner dato har Kina ikke publiceret en formel Arktis politik, dog er der indikationer om at det kinesiske udenrigsministerium har en koordineret strategi, som ligger til grund for dette speciale, hvor der vil blive redegjordt for den kinesiske Arktis Politik. Der er forskel imellem, hvad myndighederne giver udtryk for af deres interesser i regionen, og hvad Kina arbejder frem imod i praksis.
Den brranner politik er derudover et gobal for et nyt stadie i den kinesiske udenrigspolitik efter den kolde krigs afslutning. China has shown an increasing interest in the northern region in the last ten years, and wants to take part in the adventure in the Arctic. The rising power is developing its foreign policy to match its new international status, expanding its political influence in international organisations, reaching beyond its own region all the way to the intergovernmental cooperation amongst the states north of the Arctic Circle.
Thus the role as a responsible international actor has been added to the pallet of colours that determine the foreign policy. In addition, domestic nationalist forces want China to present itself as the true great power, they perceive it to be.
In this light it is obvious that several yans and external expectations and concerns gravitate to influence Chinese foreign policy-making and orientation. Currently, the existing literature focuses mainly on new shipping routes, and the prospects of resource explorations, and the security issues it raises.
One central figure in the literature is Finnish China expert Linda Jakobson, who has specifically focused on Chinese interests in the Arctic, based on an in depth knowledge of the Chinese society. Thesis Statement How China is supposed to prove its great power status is not cut into stone, however Anne- Marie Brady, who is an Associate Professor at the University of Canterbury and specializes in Chinese politics and Polar politics, maintains that one way for China to show its international status is to expand into Outer Space and into the Polar regions.
It will do so by investigating the following hypotheses: Do it primarily operate along realist understandings of international politics or does the Chinese leadership prefer a more liberalist approach?
Outline Chapter 1, will explain the theoretical approaches of the analysis, which are the theories of realism, liberalism and constructivism. The overview will lay the basis for understanding the foreign policy priorities in the Arctic.
The official documents and statements, nans in this thesis, from MFA representatives include identical phrases and all highlight the same achievements and contribution to the Arctic. A second part of the realist approach, is how the Western powers perceive Chinese intentions in the Arctic, which I argue can be analysed with based on newspaper articles, that show a tendency of a description of Chinese intentions that correlate with realist theory of zero-sum game.
I will use indirect first hand material in form of quotes of Chinese officials cited in secondary literature. Other primary sources are international declarations, treaty texts and one Greenlandic law. In the use of newspaper articles it is important to bear in mind that Western and Chinese media cover the branher from two different perspectives. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. Xinhua News Agency is an institution that is directly under the Chinese State Council,5 and sponsors Xinhuanet, which according to their own webpage is an information branne of the central government.
Even though the news agency is not an official spokesperson for the Chinese government, Xinhuanet is sponsored by the state and the pieces can be suspected to be governmental friendly rather than critical news coverage. According to Winfield and Zengjun who have studied Chinese media, whether they are state- or market controlled, state that the two mentioned news agencies are directly owned and controlled by the government. Two central secondary academic articles have been written by Linda Jakobson individually, and the second co-written with Jingchao Peng.
Linda Jakobson is an acknowledged China expert and is cited in many of the other literature concerning China and the Arctic.
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According to him conclusion, policies in the Arctic region are driven hwns commercial, geopolitical and politki interests. The chosen literature, roughly speaking, represents two approaches, one focusing on China having an assertive stance, the other by a broader liberalist perspective. If interested in the Chinese discourse on the Arctic, Globap recommend the mentioned article by Wright.
To begin with I will define hard and soft power, and after that I explain the parameters of power accordingly to the theories. Realism With the concept of power in place, I will continue to explain realism and neo-realism. The main difference between the two approaches is that realism focuses on states as the main actors in international relations, while neo-realism focuses on the structure of the world order, which is referred to as the international system.
Global politik hans branner online dating
Founder of neo-realism, Kenneth Waltz defined the structure of the international system as being in a state of anarchy, which is composed of like units that are states. Grundbog til International Politik, Copenhagen: Oxford University Press, 4th ed. According to Waltz a unipolar world order is out of balance and that other states will try to balance the hegemonic power.
China has declared itself as an opponent of hegemony in the international system, and has encouraged cooperation amongst states,19 especially developing states, to strive for a multipolar international order. A multipolar world order is a state in the international system, where many great powers balance each other without one hegemonic power.
The main difference between classical realism and neo-realism is the focus of the theories. The first approach focuses on the state as an actor, where the states man has a large degree of influence, whereas the latter focuses on the structure of the system as the main factor that determines international relations. Liberalism Chinese foreign policy principles of win-win cooperation and that international crisis should be dealt with according to international law, without states intervening in domestic affairs,21 are in line with liberalist theory.
The difference from realism is the view of the anarchic state of the world order. In opposition to anarchical structure, liberalists believe that there can be a state of 17 Ibid.
Where realism focuses on states as international actors, liberalism includes non-state actors such as international governmental organisations IGOse. Other actors are non-governmental organisations NGOsmultinational corporations MNCsand in some cases individual actors.
Viotti and Kauppi describe the liberalist view on international relations as a more pluralist one than that of realism. The focus in international politics is not only on military-security issues, but includes political, social and environmental politics. The influence of international institutions is lifted to a higher degree than in realism, where the UN Security Council for example is seen as an authority of multilateral security mechanism.
Liberalism also attempts to upgrade the focus of common interests between states. Liberalism therefore has a different focus on international politics than realism which mainly focuses on security issues and balance of power between states. Liberalist theory has an optimistic view on the future, where economic interdependence is the rule and states see common interests as beneficial.
Viotti and Kauppi cite Brooks, who states that international commerce is a force of peace amongst great powers. Keohane uses two parameters to recognize when the theory of neoliberal institutionalism is relevant, the first, is that the actors involved share mutual interests; the second, is to acknowledge that there is variation in the level of institutionalization.
Keohane defines institutions as: And according to Keohane the partners must respect them, in order to preserve their 22 Paul R. Viotti and Mark V. Longaman, A Perspective on World Politics. This then creates transparency in negotiations and by that diminishes the suspicion amongst states.
Keohane believes that in an open international economic environment that is characterized by opportunities for mutual benefit, the grounds for a peaceful international environment are made.
However, he emphasizes that cooperation must not be mistaken for harmony.
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Neoliberal Institutionalism does not mean that neorealism is made irrelevant. He further concludes polifik international institutions are not central to international politics, brannef they do play a larger role than neorealist research has acknowledged.
My choosing of this additional theory was in order to deepen the understanding of the Chinese identity and branding its new image as a responsible international actor. The various sub-theories of constructivism interpret the social and political world, as being made up of shared beliefs rather than physical entities.
And as opposed to neo-realism, where states know who they are, and what they want, the constructivist approach maintains that interest and identity are shaped in interaction between states. Polituk also have a place in this theory, in which their power is based on the ability to indirectly guide behaviour.
Houghton Mifflin Company, The image of main enemies changed through the latter half of the 20th century, and according to Andrew J. Nathan and Andrew Scobell, both experts on Chinese foreign policy, political and military affairs, in the s the capitalist US held the position.
In the s the USSR took the lead as a result of the severely deteriorated Sino-Soviet Union relations, and in the s China saw itself as leading the developing world in opposition to the two hegemons, the US and the Soviet Union. With the fall of communism in the early s, the US took the lead as main enemy in the s.
His point was that it did not matter whether a cat was black or white, as long as it could catch mice. Ppolitik was a way to summarize his pragmatic and technocratic stance on economic development, and how China could use capitalist methods to develop its economy without taking to Western political ideology.
Deng believed in economic and technocratic reforms, but within the existing communistic political and ideological politkk under the authoritarian power of the Communistic Party. To fulfil this goal China put ideological differences aside and developed friendly bilateral relations with countries all over the world, including capitalist ones. The change in Chinese perception of enemy images in the Post-Cold War period meant that the West no longer was portrayed polihik an oppressor, even though a rival, it was viewed as a party to cooperate with in pursuing mutual interests.
A contemporary source, Chinese Professor Qimao Chen, wrote in Asian Survey in that the recent years had shown that China was interested in bilateral relations with industrialized countries.
However, the leadership held on to the priority of opposing hegemony. Harvard Univeristy Press, pooitik, After Deng, Jiang Gloobal took over and was in office from through Meanwhile the steady han growth soared with an banner growth rate of 9. In addition to the feeling of humiliation caused by the century of shame, Chinese national identity and self-perception is multifaceted, where sovereignty and the absence of territorial ambition are central points.
In the period the leadership worked on branding China as a responsible international power. In constant the USA spent approximately 5.
Tilbage til en sinocentrisk identitetsopfattelse? Nonetheless, the numbers show that the US is still a superior military power. In Chinese policies became more assertive and nationalist in the Asian region and in the rest of the world. For example inat the Copenhagen Climate Change Conference, Beijing refused to sign the agreements.
The Five Principles of Peaceful Co-Existence have remained paramount, highlighting a non-aggressive approach and a non-existing wish of expanding the Chinese territory. Professor of International Relations David C. According to Jakobson, scientific research and concern for climate change has been on the agenda in China’s Arctic policy sincewhen Chinese scientists and journalists travelled to the North Pole. Columbia University Press, Zhao told the audience that in China joined the International Arctic Science Committee IASCa non-governmental international organisation that promotes multidisciplinary scientific research cooperation in the Arctic, amongst all countries that are active in the areas of the Arctic region.
Since China has attended as an ad hoc observer in relevant activities of the AC.